Monday, March 18, 2013

Rush To Gun Control Producing Bad Laws



Read the column here.

Of course, the primary effect (so far) of the call for more restrictive gun laws is panic buying on the part of the public.  I routinely browse the local gun shops – and by that I mean those area retailers selling guns, the big chain stores and the locally owned ones – and the trend has been apparent since December across them all, showing no sign of lessening: rifle and shotgun racks that used to be full have been seriously depleted (especially of anything that could be remotely considered a “black gun;” pistol cases are virtually empty; and ammunition shelves are noticeably bare (particularly of .22LR, .223Rem., .25ACP, 9mm, .40S&W, and .45ACP).  Whenever a shipment from a distributor comes in, the wares are immediately bought out.  In fact, retailers have resorted to moving their racks, displays, and remaining merchandise around so as to disguise the empty spaces.

This is a verbatim quote from the New York Sheriffs Association web site concerning the method used to pass the SAFE Act: “It is the view of the Sheriffs’ Association that anytime government decides it is necessary or desirable to test the boundaries of a constitutional right that it should only be done with caution and with great respect for those constitutional boundaries. Further, it should only be done if the benefit to be gained is so great and certain that it far outweighs the damage done by the constriction of individual liberty. While many of the provisions of the new law have surface appeal, it is far from certain that all, or even many, of them will have any significant effect in reducing gun violence, which is the presumed goal of all of us. Unfortunately the process used in adoption of this act did not permit the mature development of the arguments on either side of the debate, and thus many of the stakeholders in this important issue are left feeling ignored by their government. Even those thrilled with the passage of this legislation should be concerned about the process used to secure its passage, for the next time they may find themselves the victim of that same process.”  See http://www.nysheriffs.org/articles/sheriffs%E2%80%99-response-ny-safe-act.

Last time I checked, the count of counties that have either passed resolutions opposing the SAFE Act or are contemplating such measures is at 52, out of 62 in the state, and the list of such municipalities is almost as long.  The Sheriffs Association has been joined by the New York State Association of Counties and the New York State Association of County Clerks in opposing the law.  Ditto the New York State Conference of Local Mental Hygiene Directors.  Granted, some of this opposition has to do with the state passing unfunded mandates down to the county and municipal levels, but not all.  Even the Department of Veterans Affairs has indicated that its doctors will not comply with the law’s “mental health” provisions for fear that veterans will not seek treatment if they think that their Second Amendment rights may be at issue.

Be that as it may, this past week a single member of the Albany County-based Supreme Court denied a request for a temporary injunction of enforcement of the SAFE Act on the basis of jurisdictional grounds.  That ruling is under appeal and as far as I know the 29 April deadline is still in effect for the state to demonstrate to the full Court how the law is constitutional.

And that bit about unfunded mandates is important.  As states dump more and more and paperwork, background check mandates, and licensing requirements on county and municipal governments, just who is supposed to fund the new bureaucracies and increased workloads?  Gun owners, that’s who, by virtue of myriad new fees, fines, and taxes.  If showing a free government-supplied ID to vote is analogous to a poll tax, as so many assure us, how is charging taxes and fees to citizens to exercise their Second Amendment rights as a matter of policy any better?

From a civil libertarian point of view, many of the proposals under consideration in the various states are rife with constitutional problems as they: shred any pretense as to a right to privacy; potentially create de facto, and in some cases de jure, databases of who owns guns, what kind of guns they own, and even if they have ammunition for them; allow warrantless law enforcement searches of gun owners’ homes to routinely conduct “safe storage” inspections (though any definitions of safe storage are conspicuously absent); rendering private property unusable or illegal without due compensation (either by rendering guns and/or magazines inoperable or removing them from the state); slow-motion confiscation by grandfathering current gun owners in and allowing them to keep their weapons, but forbidding them to sell or otherwise transfer them to anyone else, even through inheritance; and yes, even outright confiscation.

Here is just a small sampling of such proposals:

Dianne Feinstein’s Assault Weapons Ban of 2013 (S.150)

New York SAFE Act (S2230/A2388)

Maryland SB281 – require digital fingerprints to obtain a license for all gun purchases

Missouri SB124 – would require parents to notify their child’s school district (public, private, or charter) if they own guns

Missouri HB545 – confiscation

Colorado SB13-196 – makes users, owners, sellers, distributors, and manufacturers of firearms liable for harm caused by any firearm that was under their control at one point in time, but is later misused by someone else
(it is easy to access the other Colorado bills from this link)

Colorado HB1224 – bans magazines with a capacity of more than 15 rounds, magazines owned prior to the ban can be kept but cannot be transferred or sold.

Colorado HB1226 – prohibits concealed carry on public college campuses; this is important because the Colorado Supreme Court has already ruled that a previously enacted state law that did the same as this proposed one was unconstitutional

Colorado HB1229 – requires a background check to be conducted by a licensed firearms dealer before any sale or transfer of a firearm, “transfer” includes lending a firearm to a friend or family member on a temporary basis.

Washington SB5737 – The exact language of this bill as introduced language read as follows: “In order to continue to possess an assault weapon that was legally possessed on the effective date of this section, the person possessing shall ... safely and securely store the assault weapon. The sheriff of the county may, no more than once per year, conduct an inspection to ensure compliance with this subsection.”  Once word of this provision leaked out, two of the three sponsors of the bill claimed that they had no idea the provision was in the bill (the third admitted nothing one way or the other) and it was stricken.

Washington HB1588 background check and fee for any transfer between non-dealers including family members, meaning something as innocuous as the gift of a shotgun from father to son has to go through the state’s regulatory and permitting bureaucracy

Oregon HB 3200
Storage inspections as above; gun owners allowed only one such weapon
Finally, of course, the lists of “military features” used by the various states to denote “assault weapons” are arbitrary and completely devoid of meaning insofar as the actual functioning of the firearms at issue is concerned.  But what else is new?

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Monday, March 4, 2013

Stereotypes Not Helpful In Gun Debate

Read the column here.

Note that, as stated, I did not delve into policy questions in this column. I merely recounted my own experiences as a law-abiding, responsible gun owner and asked that policymakers differentiate between folks like me and the bad guys (which, unfortunately, is what routinely does not happen with proposed gun control legislation).
 

That said, I will offer a brief bit on policy here: even my friends on the left of the political aisle should be alarmed at the baldly political maneuvers employed to secure the hurried passage of New York's SAFE Act. More than half of the Empire State's counties have adopted resolutions opposing the legislation and several more are considering doing the same. Even the New York Sheriffs Association, which agrees with many parts of the Act, has criticized the brazen manner in which it was enacted. Also, the New York Supreme Court has given the state until 29 April to explain, in detail, how the law is constitutional or have an injunction issued by the Court against it.

Be that as it may, while the GLOCK 17 was not the first firearm with a plastic/polymer (plastic in the scientific sense meaning malleable) stock or receiver, it was the first pistol so equipped to be commercially accepted outside the narrow confines of pistols suitable for hunting.

To my knowledge, a couple of Remingtons were the first to have plastic/polymer stocks or receivers.  The Nylon 66 rifle, chambered in .22LR, appeared in theNylon 66 rifle, chambered in .22LR, appeared in the 1950s and was very well received.  The same company’s XP-100 bolt action pistol, chambered in a variety of hunting calibers, made its appearance in 1963.

Heckler und Koch’s VP70, chambered in 9X19mm, debuted in 1968: the “M” variant (Militรคr) allowed for semi-automatic and three-round burst fire (the latter when fitted with a specially designed shoulder stock that housed the burst mechanism); the Z variant (Zivil – civilian) fired in semi-automatic mode only.  Sales, outside of a few military contracts never amounted to much.

I remember when the GLOCK first hit the American market – and the near hysteria it caused among the gun control crowd, who claimed that it was a “plastic” pistol that could not be detected by existing airport metal detectors.  Of course, this was (and remains) pure fiction.  I also remember how some handgun traditionalists disparaged the newfangled GLOCK with terms such as “drastic plastic” and “tactical Tupperware.”

The GLOCK 17 was first devised in 1981, a marvel of engineering comprised of just 34 parts (perhaps a couple more with the latest “Generation 4” designs), including three separate internal safety mechanisms.  The pistol was adopted by the Austrian military in
1983.  A year later, following the GLOCK’s passage of NATO durability testing, the pistol was adopted by the Norwegian military.  In 1986, the company established an American subsidiary and established its U.S. headquarters in Smyrna, Georgia.

And the folks at GLOCK have been laughing all the way to the bank ever since.  In fact, according to the company’s web site, by 2012 more than 65% of the nation’s police forces issued the company’s pistols to their members.

GLOCK (the company always uses all capitals)

GLOCK Sport Shooting Foundation

International Defensive Pistol Association

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Tuesday, February 19, 2013

Medicaid Bill Violates State Constitution

Read the column here.



Obviously, this column is a companion piece to my last one, fleshing out as it does one of the arguments of the latter in far greater detail.

The initial sentence of the sixth paragraph should read “Further, the language of SB 24 explicitly notes that a new Article 6C is to be amended to Title 31, Chapter 8 of the Official Code of Georgia Annotated . . .”  The incorrect verbiage is my responsibility (you know how it is, you know how something you have written should read, so you read it that way when proofing, even if it is in error).

Be that as it may, here are the correct citations:

State of Georgia Constitution - Article III, Section V, Paragraph II; see page 18:

HB 1055 (2010); see page 77:

SB 24 (2013)

State of Georgia Constitution – Article III, Section IX, Paragraph VI(i); see page 28:

O.C.G.A. – Title 31 Chapter 8, Article 6A (you’ll have to navigate to it):

Code of Federal Regulations – 42 CFR 433.68:

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Monday, February 4, 2013

From Party Versus Party To People Versus Government



Read the column here.

I fully understand the need to plug the hole in the state’s Medicaid funding and the desire to leverage federal matching funds (of course, the latter puts states in the pathetic position of raising their own taxes so as to get back some of the money those states have sent to Washington, but that is another argument).  Besides, readers should remember that one of the central tenets of Obamacare is to slough more Medicaid spending off onto the states.  Even so, as discussed in the column, my gripe is with the manner in which the General Assembly is abdicating its responsibilities.

In order to secure such quick passage of SB 24, the Senate suspended one of its own Rules (3.129(a)) so that it could be read and referred to committee on the first day of the session.  This was done by voice vote as opposed to a roll call.  Also, the bill was referred to the Regulated Industries and Utilities Committee, somewhat curiously in that the web site of the Committee notes that it has jurisdiction over “gas, telecommunications, electric and other related industrial areas,” even before a chairman had been named to the Committee or any of its meetings had been scheduled.

Be that as it may, SB 24 went into the Senate hopper, had a first reading, and was referred to committee on 14 January.  The bill had its second reading and was favorably reported by the Regulated Industries and Utilities committee on 16 January (by an 11-3 vote, the Committee approved a substitute that shortened the length of the scheme from 5 years to 4 and added a stipulation that if the trust fund created by the bill was abolished any fees left in it could not be spent without the General Assembly’s approval).  I could not find a roll call vote for the Committee’s action; note that Frank Ginn serves as vice-chairman of the Committee.  The bill had its third reading and was adopted by the full Senate on 17 January (by a 46-9 vote with 1 vacancy), both Bill Cowsert and Frank Ginn voted in favor of the amended bill.

Over in the House, SB 24 had its first reading on 28 January, its second reading on 29 January, and was favorably reported by the Governmental Affairs Committee on 30 January (I could not find the margin by which the measure passed, much less a roll call vote).  SB 24 had its third reading and passed the full House on 01 February (by a 147-18 vote with 5 not voting and 10 excused); Spencer Fry and Chuck Williams voted in favor of the bill while, much to her credit, Regina Quick dissented.

With respect to my left-leaning friends, the Democrats are hardly blameless; they governed the Peach State via the smoke-and-mirrors stratagem for 130 years. I focused on the GOP because: 1) they are currently in the majority in both chambers of the General Assembly; and 2) I am one myself and, quite frankly, I expect better from them.

Besides which, the Democrats seem perfectly content to go along with this taxation via proxy thing. If you don't believe it, pull up the roll call votes on both T-SPLOST and the "bed tax" for yourselves; while it appears that Democrats voted for the measures by smaller percentages than did the Republicans, the majority of former still voted in favor of both.

For the text and legislative history of the Transportation Investment Act of 2010, see:

For the text and legislative history of SB 24, see:

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Sunday, January 20, 2013

Constitution Should Be Embraced

Read the column here.



My concern is not just with the various branches the federal government ignoring the Constitution, but with the manner in which the federal government, those of the respective states, and even local governments (county, municipal, school boards) increasingly seem willing to skirt constitutions, codes, ordinances and good government practices in a wholesale manner.  And if you don't believe it, just keep track of the news for a couple of weeks with that thought in mind.
 
For Seidman’s op/ed in the New York Times (30 December 2012), see:

For Seidman’s book, see:

For a review article of such thinking, see Alexander C. Kafka in The Chronicle of Higher Education (10 December 2012):

For a variety of responses to Seidman, see:






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